For many years, there has been much concern expressed in the
Western world about the consequences of letting the Muslim Brotherhood take
over in Egypt. After all, it was the justification
for providing oodles of financial support for Hosni Mubarak’s regime, after he
succeeded Anwar Sadat (who dared to make peace with Israel and was assassinated
as a result), who himself succeeded the warmongering personality cult figure of
Nasser. Egyptians have been under the
jackboot of dictatorship for decades, and as much as US Administrations have
appeased Mubarak and Sadat (given both have maintained peace with Israel and
kept the Suez Canal open), their opponents have long deified Nasser. Egyptians who dared cross with any of the
regimes would face a police, secret police and military ably dishing out
summary justice, engaging in imprisonment, torture and summary executions.
There were two comforts casually taken by Western supporters
of the Mubarak regime. One was that he
wouldn’t wage war against Israel, back Islamists in Iran, Israel or
elsewhere. The value of having an ally
who is peaceful in an area that has been volatile, is considerable, especially
when it can have its hands on the throat of one of the great shipping routes
between Europe, the Persian Gulf and Asia.
The second was that Egypt appeared to modernise. It could be seen in the malls and shopping
centres in Cairo, where young Egyptian women would walk around in jeans, hair
uncovered and look little different from those in Europe. It could be seen in the relative vitality of
a country that welcomes tourists, has many fluent in English and had a
semblance of a civil society. However,
underneath that entire facade were multiple pressures.
The first was the tired nature of living under a tired
corrupt regime that had last more than 30 years with one president. A regime where wealth and success could come
to the well connected, the relatives, the friends and those willing to share
with those in power the booty of contracts, trade and business. A regime where the victims of such corruption,
victims of the extra-legal use of authority by the regime would be ignored, at
best. A seething resentment that a
country that was becoming wealthier, more connected, with an increasingly
younger population, was sitting atop something rotten.
The second came from those who resisted the modernisation,
who saw the wealth and success of fellow Arab regimes to east and west, and
would spread resentment at the dependency of Egypt on the succour of the United
States (Egypt being, until recently, the second biggest recipient of US taxpayer
funded aid after Israel). They would
prey upon the fact that most Egyptians are Muslims and see the hope in dealing
with corruption, crime and what they perceived as moral decay, in dumping the
quasi-secularism of the Mubarak regime, in favour of Islamism. They did not think of the 10% Christian
minority, or the tiny Jewish minority, nor did they think women should be
anything but “equal, yet not bearing duties against their nature and role in
the family”. They would also prey upon
the strong anti-Israeli sentiment, which harks back to the families whose sons
were victims of the wars Egypt had waged against Israel in the past, and the
strong fraternal sense of injustice many Egyptians felt with Palestinian Arabs.
So when Egyptians threw off the Mubarak regime and held
elections, the inevitable binary result was that the top two candidates would
represent the old regime, and the organisation best organised and longest
protesting about it – the Muslim Brotherhood.
With Mr. Morsi becoming President, in a land that no longer
has a working Constitution, the stage is set for a new battle. Given the Parliamentary elections have been
ruled null and void, these will presumably be held again, but he faces the army
first and the smaller mass of Egyptians who support modernity. The women who deep down fear new laws about
what they wear, who they marry, their rights to divorce, their treatment if
abused, their employment and their work.
The Christians who fear new laws about worship, about free speech, about
education and about equal treatment under the law. The Egyptians more generally who want a
society where the state protects everyone’s rights, as individuals, including
the right to apostasy (which has, at best, been controversial and difficult in
Egypt).
For now, it is likely that Egypt will not become the new Iran. It
is still receiving US government largesse, which is largely benefiting the
military. Any shift in policy that
results in this ending will risk a military coup, given the sheer size of the
Egyptian military. However, it is
difficult to envisage how a man who belongs to an Islamist organisation, which
espouses Sharia law as definitive, which seeks to restrict the role of women,
which supports the abolition of the state of Israel and considers jihad and
martyrdom as glorious, is going to ever represent a step forward.
If his colleagues get elected in the Parliamentary elections
(along with Salafists who are more extremist), then one can envisage a new
constitution. Not one that separates
religion and state, nor one that prioritises individual rights.
The intellectual bankruptcy of supporting democracy as the
measure of freedom will then be revealed. Egyptians will be deemed to have “supported”
an Islamic state, and it will be “better” than the Mubarak regime.
Those who would protest in the streets for civil liberties,
for the rights of women and the rights of minorities would appear to be willing
to surrender those, for the victory of a man who represents rejection of
Mubarak, and implicitly, the United States which backed him.
It may be that fears of an Iranian style Islamist revolution
are wrong, it may be that Mr. Morsi is in fact willing to support a secular Egypt,
that respects religious and individual freedoms, that fights the scourge of
corruption that has long infested that land and takes only token steps towards
embracing the long held agenda of an Islamist state.
However, it is clear that being allowed to vote for a
President is not freedom. Individual rights are not protected when
people who do not belong to the dominant religion, live and worship in fear,
and when laws are enforced to prohibit people abandoning the dominant religion
with the death penalty.
State religion, deep cultural misogyny, suppression of “blasphemous
words and deed” and death worship are not compatible with individual freedom
(including the rights and equality under the law for women), freedom of
religion, freedom of speech and embracing of life.
Like a train that has escaped one tunnel, had a brief
smattering of daylight and may now be about to enter another…