Shonky journalism on Stuff about airline seating

Shonky journalism.  That's what the Fairfax news article on Stuff claiming Air NZ wedges passengers into seats really is.  Not that is it that important.  It is a fairly trivial travel issue.  However, given the willingness of some journalists to slam bloggers for not being professional, it provides just a taste of how shallow and deceiving poor quality journalism can be.

The article reports on a survey that was undertaken by Business Traveller, which owns a website about airline seat plans called Seatplans, which like Seatguru and Seatexpert are not always reliable.

That's not journalism, that's reporting.  Journalism would involve doing some research, going through such sites and maybe the websites of the airlines themselves, or even ask them, and making it relevant to those reading it. 

The claim is that Air NZ's seat width is 28th, but Emirates is best.  It came 15th in legroom apparently, yet the range of legroom given is 12cm.  

Yet all of these claims are nonsensical unless you talk about specific aircraft on specific routes.

Air NZ has aircraft ranging from small turboprop Beech 1900 to Boeing 747s.  The idea that you can average out between them is flawed.

So what really is the picture?

First of all, the routes where this matters are long haul.  Yes you might complain about sitting for an hour on a domestic flight, but most people care only about price on short haul routes, but there is nothing in it between Air NZ and Jetstar on domestic flights - unless you have Air NZ Gold or Gold Elite status or Koru Club membership, so you can access the Space + seats on 737s an A320.  They offer an additional 2"- 5" of legroom.  A320s have slightly more seat width than 737s, but that wasn't noticed.

So what about long haul?  The long haul airlines flying to NZ are Air NZ, Singapore Airlines, Emirates, Cathay Pacific, Korean, China Airlines, China Southern, LAN, Malaysian and Thai.  Given the connections available, Qantas, BA, Etihad and Virgin Atlantic are worth looking at.

Now the lazy thing to do is to treat all aircraft by all airlines as relevant.  They are not.  So I have simply reviewed those that operate the long haul flights to NZ (or connect in Australia or the main flights connected to by those airlines).

Bear in mind this is all economy class.  If this really matters to you that much, pay more and go in premium economy or business class.

Seat pitch is the measure used for legroom, which just means the distance between the same point on two rows.  Bear in mind this is not the same in the whole cabin of individual planes, with there being ranges of 2-3 inches on some.  You can check this on websites like Flyertalk where there is a lot of detail about individual seat rows.

So let me fact check the claims in the article, particularly since I took a little time to provide you with a full list of seat pitch and widths for all long haul airliners serving NZ or on major connecting services.

1. "Air New Zealand economy seats were among the most cramped in the skies, the airline tied for 28th place out of 32 airlines with Qatar Airways, which has an economy seat width of between 41.9cm and 45.7cm"

No.  None of Air NZ long haul aircraft have seat widths of 16.5" (41.9cm), but the 17.9" (45.7cm) seat width is also more than any it has (by a tiny amount).  The relevant figures would be 43.4cm-45.2cm.  Air NZ's seat width on the 747s and 777-200s compares well with others being 4th equal.  The 777-300s are tighter at 6th, with Etihad, Emirates (777) Malaysian and Qantas (A330 only) being slightly tighter.  So in fact, Air NZ is rather average.

2. "Budget carrier Ryanair had the most cramped economy seats, offering just 40.6cm of width. Emirates' seats were the most spacious at 45.7cm to 52.1cm."

Yes on Ryanair, but you wont be flying it unless you're in Europe.  Emirates on the other hand draws with the others listed above for having the narrowest seats on the 777 flights to NZ.  Hardly the most spacious is it? Given Emirates squeezes an extra seat in its 777s (Air NZ now does on the 777-300s only) it is not surprising.  The A380s have an additional inch of seat width, but don't reach the 19" of the Singapore Airlines 777-300ERs.  So Emirates is not the widest, as far as flights to NZ as concerned.

3.  "Air New Zealand fared better in the economy legroom category, giving between 76.2cm and 88.9cm of space, putting it in 15th place"

Um not really. Yet neither of those figures represent seat pitch on long haul Air NZ aircraft, which are between those.  The 76.2cm applies to domestic aircraft and the A320s (30") excluding the Space + cabin, the 88.9cm IS Space +.  So given Space + doesn't exist on long haul aircraft, and the seat pitch on long haul aircraft is two inches more than the bottom figure, it really isn't useful.  In fact, Air NZ ranks second best with its 747s only, and other aircraft are comparable (but only some seats on the 777-200s rank with the worst).  

Draw your own conclusions, because it is complex, with different aircraft, airlines buy different seats for them, for different routes.  There is up to a four inch legroom difference between best and worst, and two inches in seat width, but you actually need to check the route you want to fly and what airlines operate there.  Frankly, unless you are flying to Europe from NZ, your choices will be limited to one or two airlines at best.  So choose carefully if this matters and you can't afford to uplift to the next class up.

Most importantly, do you own research, don't believe what a newspaper says.

Air NZ                             Seat Pitch     Seat Width

Boeing 777-300ER          32-33"         17.1"  (3-4-3 configuration) AKL-LAX-LHR

Boeing 747-400               32-34"         17.8"  (3-4-3)  AKL-SFO

Boeing 777-200ER          31-32"         17.8"  (3-3-3)  AKL-HKG-LHR, SFO, YVR, PER

Boeing 767-300               32"               17.5"  (2-3-2)  AKL-HNL, NRT, KIX, PPT

British Airways (from Sydney to Singapore and London)

Boeing 747-400              31"               17.5" (3-4-3)

Boeing 777-300ER         31"               17.5" (3-4-3)

Cathay Pacific (to Hong Kong and beyond)

Airbus A340                   32"               17.8" (2-4-2)

China Airlines (to Taiwan and beyond)

Airbus A330-300           32"                18" (2-4-2) 

China Southern (to Guangzhou and beyond)

Airbus A330-200          35"                 17.2" (2-4-2)

Emirates (to Australia and Dubai)

Boeing 777-300ER         34"               17" (3-4-3) AKL, CHC

Airbus A380                   32"               18" (3-4-3) AKL

Etihad (from Sydney to Abu Dhabi and beyond, codeshares Air NZ)

Airbus A340-600           31-33"          17" (2-4-2)

Korean (to Seoul and beyond)

Boeing 777-200ER         33-34"          18"  (3-3-3)

Boeing 747-400              33-34"          17.2" (3-4-3)

LAN (to Santiago)

Airbus A340                  32"               18" (2-4-2)

Malaysia (to Kuala Lumpur and beyond)

Boeing 777-200             34"               17" (2-5-2)

Qantas (from Sydney, Melbourne to Europe/Asia/North America)

Airbus A380                  31"               18.1" (3-4-3)

Boeing 747-400             31"               17.5" (3-4-3)

Airbus A330                  31"               17" (2-4-2)

Singapore Airlines (to Singapore and beyond)

Boeing 777-300ER         32"                19"  (3-3-3) AKL (and many routes from SIN to Europe)

Boeing 777-200ER         34"                17.5" (3-3-3) AKL, CHC

Airbus A380                   32"                19" (3-4-3) (many flights from SIN to Europe)

Thai (to Bangkok and beyond)

Boeing 777-200ER       34"                 17" (3-3-3)

Virgin Atlantic (from Sydney to Hong Kong and London, and from San Francisco to London, from Shanghai to London all connecting with Air NZ)

Airbus A340-600         32"                 17.5" (2-4-2)

Yes you can privatise the roads - says UK thinktank

The Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA) is rapidly becoming one of the highest profile think tanks in the UK, certainly it has been getting increased media exposure, including the regular appearance, on the BBC no less, of the excellent Communications Director Ruth Porter (who has links to New Zealand, having once worked for the Maxim Institute - not a reason to hold against her though).

It describes itself as "the UK's original free-market think-tank, founded in 1955. Our mission is to improve understanding of the fundamental institutions of a free society by analysing and expounding the role of markets in solving economic and social problems".

It has become one of the foremost advocates for questioning new government interventions, preferring less government spending and regulation, and seeking solutions involving free markets and personal choice over statism.

The latest report commissioned and published by the IEA, has been written by German transport economist and President of the Institute for Free Enterprise, Dr Oliver Knipping, and IEA deputy editorial director and director of its transport unit, Dr Richard Wellings.

It advocates privatising all roads in the UK.  Yes, ALL roads.  

The report is available here, and makes a compelling case that damns the existing system for producing inefficient outcomes (congestion, poor maintenance standards, inadequate supply of capacity in some areas and overbuilding in others) and suggests that the government simply get out of the way, by selling some roads and giving others away perhaps to co-operatives of road users and property owners to decide for themselves how to make money from them.

The authors propose that all roads, motorways, major highways, rural roads and urban streets could be privatised. Just selling the major highways is estimated to generate £150 billion for the government, which could be used to repay public debt, saving several billion a year in interest.  That would still leave local roads to be privatised by transfers to co-operatives of businesses and residential properties.

The new owners could choose to toll, issue access permits or leave the roads free when and where they saw fit, using whatever technologies they decided.

In exchange, the authors suggested abolishing vehicle excise duty (the equivalent of motor vehicle registration), and cutting fuel tax by at least 75% (noting that the UK, unlike NZ and the USA, does not legally dedicate any fuel tax to government spending on roads - but the existing fuel tax takes four times as much tax revenue as is spent on the roads), with the remainder being a sop to environmentalists by reflecting a carbon tax and tax on emissions.  This would reduce the price of fuel in the UK by a whopping 53p/l (though they neglect to note that EU law sets a minimum tax rate for energy that is about 29p/l).

Wouldn't the new road owners rip everyone off?  Well the authors say no. They have several ideas to avoid this.

They argue that the way privatisation is carried out should be done to promote competition between road owners.  For example, major highways could be sold to different companies, so that the M6/M1 and the M40 would have different owners offering different prices for driving between London and Birmingham.  Yes, there will be many cases where competition isn't feasible, but having some competition is more than exists now.  They see breaking up the road network so it doesn't resemble the patchwork of central and local government controlled routes now, would promote competition and innovative approaches to pricing.

By allowing road owners to price flexibly, it would mean prices at off peak times would likely be lower than at peaks, because underutilised assets are better off with customers willing to pay to use them, especially cars as they inflict relatively little damage to road surfaces compared to trucks.   As such, it may be much cheaper to drive outside commuter and holiday peaks than today.

Local roads owned by businesses seeking customers are more likely to discount access or offer it for free, especially if it attracts retail customers.  They may see this as important as offering free parking, so that the incentives are wider than just paying for the roads.

There remains competition  from other modes for certain trips, such as railways, airlines and canals.  In addition, telecommunications technology makes it increasingly attractive to use phones, Skype and other forms of teleconferencing instead of travelling.  Road owners will not be insensitive to these options.

Indeed, the question about being "ripped off" becomes more moot, if road owners are seeking to attract users by having well maintained, well signposted roads, which are priced to avoid congestion by spreading demand, and a planning system that does not prevent new capacity being built except by road owners needing to consider private property rights.  The likelihood is that the motoring experience will improve.

Finally, it's worth noting (though they did not appear to do so in the report), that with government in the UK already recovering four times as much in motoring taxes from road users (fuel tax and vehicle excise duty) than it spends on roads, that motorists are already being ripped off, by the government.

The UK government is today considering how to get more private sector involvement in financing and building roads, this report shows how far it could really go, and is one of the few studies I've seen which actually breaks apart the "consensus" of state owned and operated roads, and shows how it might be different, and better with privatisation.

Lithuania isn't in a recession - No Right Turn is not right again

I do read the No Right Turn blog from time to time, and it demonstrate how willfully blind and deceptive some can be when the facts reported in the same story they quote from, don't fit their blinkered vision.

He said:

Lithuanians went to the polls today in the first round of parliamentary elections - and have voted resoundingly against their neoLiberal, pro-austerity government which had plunged them into a Greek-style austerity-induced recession.

He links to a BBC article about the election and says that the government "plunged them" into a recession.  The leftwing meme being simply that reforms that shrink the state sector create a recession and Greece's problems are that it is cutting spending, not that it can't borrow to sustain overspending anymore and is having to beg from other states to cover its overspending until it can balance its books.

Yet that very same article from the BBC says this about the Lithuanian economy:

Mr Kubilius came to power in 2008, just as the global financial crisis was bringing a dramatic end to an extended Lithuanian boom fuelled by cheap Scandinavian credit.

So Lithuania's recession started the same way as most of the others, cheap credit from banks with state issued fiat currencies, overborrowing and an adjustment when reality set in.

Mr Kubilius enforced a drastic austerity programme, to stave off national bankruptcy.

Presumably the leftwing view of this is that the government should simply print more money.  After all if the state can't borrow anymore, it either has to cut spending, raise taxes or print.

Meanwhile, economic output dropped by 15%, unemployment climbed and thousands of young people emigrated from the Baltic nation of 3.3 million in search of work.

Yes, a fiat currency credit fueled boom adjusting itself, and the government balancing its books.

The budget deficit has since been tamed and GDP reached growth of 5.8%.

Hold on.  Growth of 5.8%? What is this austerity induced recession?  Indeed according to Eurostat, Lithuania's unemployment rate has been dropping from a peak of 18.3% in June 2010 to 12.9% in August 2012.  

Idiot Savant need only have read the rest of the article for it to be obvious the recession in Lithuania is well and truly over, and a 5 minute search to find the Lithuanian unemployment rate.

However, that wouldn't suit the "evil neo-liberals want to destroy the state and ruin the economy and want mass unemployment, but socialists love people, want prosperity and know how to do it, if only they were allowed to spend money that doesn't exist, and could get their hands on all the money of the evil capitalists" monologue that he, and the left (becoming more and more out of touch with economic) have been preaching.

Greece is a totemic example of the failure of socialism to deliver sustainable prosperity, followed by Portugal and Italy.  Spain and Ireland are totemic examples of the failure of cheap credit created from nothing through fiat currencies and fractional reserve banking.

Maybe Idiot Savant might want to revise his tired empty thesis that the only people to blame when governments overspend, are those who loaned money to them in the first place,  because when they stop, what does he really expect should happen?

European Union peace prize?

Oh how I laughed, so much, when I read that news.

Whilst I understand why the Nobel Committee gave the EU the Nobel Peace Prize, it is, quite simply, wrong.

The peace in Europe since 1945 was due to the following:

-  The complete unconditional defeat of Nazi Germany by the US, UK and USSR (with a little help from partisan resistance groups);

-  NATO (and France outside NATO). Keeping the USSR and the Warsaw Pact at bay, especially after the Berlin airlift;

-  The economic integration of Western Europe since 1945 facilitated by the USA through the Marshall Plan, followed by the forerunners of the EU and the GATT/WTO.

There would have been no EU without the unconditional defeat of Nazi Germany, or rather no peace unless you would have counted a unified Europe under Hitler.  

There would have been no EU without NATO deterring the eastward roll of the Red Army by Stalin, using strategic and tactical nuclear weapons.  There would have been no peace either.

There would have been no EU without the commitment of West Germany's post-war leaders to economic reconstruction, a business friendly environment, and to face up to what happened.   To that end, for Greek protestors to fly swastikas because they don't like being told their government might want to keep spending within limits of what it raises in revenue, are dead wrong.

There would have been no EU without the United States providing the aid, providing the foundations of NATO, providing the bulk of the nuclear deterrent, providing support for the GATT (now WTO) to force open global markets in manufactured goods (the core of the Western European economy in the 50s and 60s).

Yes, the EU has helped bind former warring states together, it has also enabled there to be some recognition of mutual values  (however flawed they are in interpretation and application), of free speech, freedom of religion, belief in open liberal democracy, belief in the separation of powers (judiciary, executive, legislature and police), and a broad acceptance of liberal values that reject state racism and sexism, but overwhelmingly are opposed to authoritarian rule.  Yes, there are many ways that is flawed and inconsistent, but compare it to Asia, the Middle East, Africa and Latin America.  Compare it to half of Europe before 1989.

But as the Saturday Daily Telegraph said, it has hardly got a glowing record when faced with major threats to peace and security.

The Nobel committee’s citation explicitly referred to its work in Yugoslavia. Yet Europe largely wrung its hands on the sidelines, until the US ended the bloodshed and forced a peace, as it later did in Kosovo. More recently, in Libya, it was Britain and France, not Brussels and Baroness Ashton, who acted as liberators – again with America’s support.

The EU did not bring down the Berlin Wall, the people of east Germany did after Gorbachev made it clear the USSR would not support east Germany continuing to oppress its people, and east Germans had spent decades watching West German TV and listening to radio from West Germany, the UK and the US.

In Yugoslavia it took US military action against Serbia for the genocide to cease and for Milosevic to stop "ethnic cleansing" of Bosnia, parts of Croatia and Kosovo.  However, it is important to note that one reason many Europeans, in continental Europe, support the EU, is because they have relatives who in living memory endured occupation by the Nazis, or lived under fascism of one kind or another, and have been sold the idea that the EU has stopped all that.  Conveniently, of course, whitewashing out the key role the United States has played, in money and lives, in keeping half of Europe relatively free and staying steadfast to allow almost all of the rest to be relatively free now.

On economics, the liberating movement of the EEC/EU in bringing down barriers among members have been somewhat matched by new barriers with the outside world.  The Common Agricultural Policy, essentially a scam that enabled France's antiquarian farming sector, propped up by grotesquely generous subsidies to pacify (and avoid a perceived fear of Marxist revolution in the countryside), to survive thanks to German, British and Dutch taxpayers, meanwhile dumping subsidised produce on the rest of the world, shutting out efficient producers beyond quotas and tariffs and contributing to environmental degradation and higher food prices in Europe.  The EU maintains massive programmes of vanity projects, like Galileo to replicate GPS and more recently efforts to replicate US, Japanese and European state programmes for earth observation satellites.  It dares demand austerity in the Eurozone whilst seeking annual increases in its own budget beyond inflation.   It's own politicians and senior officials, partly hand picked by national politicians engaging in patronage, enjoy lavish lifestyles travelling in luxury, feeling self important, whilst being ever so distant from those who pay for them.

Now it is printing money, demanding some Member States eviscerate their own private sectors with tax rises whilst trimming their public sectors with spending cuts, stating that the Euro -which should simply be a currency - is not an economic project, but a political one.  

I'll let the Telegraph editorial finish my thoughts on this:

Yes, Europe has been transformed over the past half-century – in the committee’s words – from a continent of war to a continent of peace. But that came about largely through the establishment of trade links, the free movement of people, the knitting together of an economic union rather than a cultural one. The irony of yesterday’s announcement is that the single gravest danger to that peace – provoking riots in Spain, demonstrations in Italy, the rise of far-Right movements in Greece – is arguably the European project itself, as it exhausts the Continent’s treasuries to prop up a crumbling currency union. 

The good news is that there is still time for Europe to pull itself out of this grim spiral, to rediscover and reaffirm the shared freedom and shared prosperity that made it such a beacon to the impoverished or imprisoned nations on its borders. If it can do that, it might even deserve such a prize. As it stands, this bauble feels more like a decoration for the headstone of a once noble ideal.

I would say the EU doesn't deserve it, but then given how debased the Nobel Peace Prize is (and has been for decades), then I wouldn't really wish it on anyone unless I was wanting to mock them.  It has become a caricature of what it is meant to stand for.

What's only funnier is the EU-crats, politicians and their lackeys thinking how very deserving they are for their great efforts.  Yet if it continues to be a barrier to prosperity in Europe, if it continues to expound the socialist view that the successful striving saving nations should pay for the deficit ridden corrupt and spendthrift ones, the only thing keeping the EU together is the good will, of Germans, who don't want to be thought of as being like the Nazis.   Right now, they are willing to let a lot of their taxes and some of their savings, be taken for their reputation.  How long that continues, depends on how many of them remain in jobs, remain immune from inflation and turn a blind eye to being called Nazis despite their hard work and generosity.

It is the USA, NATO and West German/reunifed German political leaders that have produced a legacy of peace.  It is the EU that arrogantly presumes that this legacy is immutable.

What went wrong with Greece

Aristides Hatzis is Associate Professor of Philosophy of Law & Theory of Institutions at the University of Athens, Department of Philosophy & History of Science.

He has some firm views of what went wrong in Greece, and it is not a view that fits the conspiracy theories of the Syriza party or the empty claims that Greece is a victim of financiers.

Hatzis says Greece joined the then EC (now EU) in relatively good economic health:

Seven years after embracing constitutional democracy the nine (then) members of the European Community (EC) accepted Greece as its tenth member (even before Spain and Portugal). Why? It was mostly a political decision but it was also based on decades of economic growth, despite all the setbacks and obstacles. When Greece entered the EC, the country’s public debt stood at 28 percent of GDP; the budget deficit was less than 3 percent of GDP; and the unemployment rate was 2–3 percent. But that was not the end of the story.

Greek voters voted to the left, and that changed everything:

Greece became a member of the European Community on January 1, 1981. Ten months later (October 18, 1981) the socialist party of Andreas Papandreou (PASOK) came to power with a radical statist and populist agenda, which included exiting the European Community. Of course nobody was so stupid as to fulfill such a promise. Greece, with PASOK in power, stayed in the EC but managed to change Greece’s political and economic climate in only a few years.

He continues to explain that PASOK changed the relationship between the state and the people, but even the so-called "rightwing" opposition did nothing to change that.  Recognise that pattern in other countries?

Today’s crisis in Greece is mainly the result of PASOK’s short- sighted policies, in two important respects:

(a) PASOK’s economic policies were catastrophic; they created a deadly mix of a bloated and inefficient welfare state with stifling intervention and overregulation of the private sector. (b) The political legacy of PASOK was even more devastating in the long-term, since its political success transformed Greece’s conservative party (“New Democracy”) into a poor photocopy of PASOK. From 1981 to 2009 both parties mainly offered welfare populism, cronyism, statism, nepotism, protectionism, and paternalism. And so they remain. Today’s result is the outcome of a disastrous competition between the parties to offer patronage, welfare populism, and predatory statism to their constituencies.

It wasn't as if the political classes didn't know there needed to be reforms either, but the bare minimum was done to reach a magic goal - joining the EURO.  So how did Greece expand spending on such a grand scale?  It wasn't from taxation, because tax evasion was rampant and tax collection very inefficient, but borrowing.  

He calls it  "party time":

The borrowing became much easier and cheaper after Greece 2adopted the Euro in 2002. After 2002, Greece enjoyed a long boom based on cheap and plentiful credit, because the bond markets no longer worried about high inflation or a devalued currency, which allowed it to finance large current-account deficits. That led to a crippling €350 billion public debt (half of it to foreign banks) but, more importantly, also to a negative effect that is rarely discussed:The transfers from the EU and the borrowed money went directly to finance consumption, not to saving, investment, infrastructure, modernization, or institutional development. The Greek “party time” with the money of others lasted 30 years and—I must admit it—we really enjoyed it! Average per capita income reached $31,700 in 2008, the twenty-fifth high- est in the world, higher than Italy and Spain, and 95 percent of the EU average. Private spending was 12 percent more than the European average, giving Greece the twenty-second highest hu- man development and quality of life indices in the world. 

Yes, most of the borrowing the Greek government undertook was not to build infrastructure (except for some very high profile totemic projects like the Olympics, a metro, tram lines and a new airport), nor to finance productivity improvements, but to consume.

People lied and evaded tax, but this culture was endemic.  Remember this isn't an outsider, but a Greek academic noting this:

Lying became a way of life in Greece. Still, one might argue that lying to protect what one has created is justified. But in Greece that wealth was not created, but simply borrowed. In 1980 public debt was 28 percent of GDP, but by 1990 it had reached 89 percent and in early 2010 it was more than 140 percent. The budget deficit went from less than 3 percent in 1980 to 15 percent in 2010. Government spending in 1980 was only 29 percent of GDP; thirty years later (2009) it had reached 53.1 percent. Those figures were hidden by the Greek government as late as 2010 when it admitted that it had not actually met the qualifying standard to join the Eurozone at all. The Greek government had even hired Wall Street firms, most notably Goldman Sachs, to help them fudge the numbers and deceive lenders.

Yet for entrepreneurial activity, Greece became a disaster. In 2012 it was ranked 100th out of 183 countries for ease of doing business, being the worst in the EU and the OECD and below Columbia, Rwanda, Vietnam, Zambia and Kazakhstan.  It ranked 154th for laws protecting investors and 147th for ease of employment.  The best ranking was 43rd, for closing a business.  One study indicated that 25% of Greece's GDP was "informal" or outside the law, and petty corruption cost €800 million in 2009.  42% of the state budget is on welfare benefits of some kind.  Pensions were ridiculously generous.  35 years working in the state sector allowed a man to retire at 58 on a pension.  

The "free" public health system actually saw 45% of total health spending coming informally directly from users bribing staff to do their jobs.

Greece is now facing some reality.  It is still borrowing, but this time from taxpayers in Germany in effect.  It is still overspending, but is set to break even in three years.

However, the Greek disease has been socialism, with parties outdoing each other to spend borrowed money to buy votes and evade economic reality.  Greece's economy has had to shrink, because it has been built on credit - not production.  The hard awful reality is that those who benefited from it, never have to pay it back, whereas the up and coming generation face paying for it.

Greece has had its economy destroyed not because of bankers, but because it was rotten at the core, sustained by socialist politicians and those whose support they gleaned by their bribery using borrowed money.   Since the early 1980s, more and more of the economy was built on nothing at all - sadly today, it isn't the public sector facing retrenchment and pain, but the private sector.   Increasing taxes and increasing tax collection is gutting the part of Greece's economy that is productive, and precious little is being done to gut the part that isn't/